PRICE OF INDIGENEITY: Meiteis’ demand for Scheduled Tribe Status(Republished from kanglaonline)

By:
Seram Neken, Imphal based Freelance Journalist

Simply speaking, groups with indigenous character are termed as ‘Scheduled Tribes’ in India. The word ‘Indigenous’ as used by the international community, is not used in Indian constitution as it refers to some sense of political self-determination. Perhaps, the framers of the Constitution gave room for cultural self-determinism of some specific groups in the form of Scheduled Tribe and Scheduled Caste under Clause 1 of Articles 341 and 342. Besides their primitive nature and geographical isolation; the Scheduled Tribes are identified with their social, educational and economic backwardness. Taking into account the presumed sufferings from extreme backwardness on account of the primitive agricultural practices, lack of infrastructural facilities and geographical isolation, the Constitution made provisions for safeguarding the interests and for accelerating the socio-economic development of the scheduled communities.

Indigenous peoples are peoples defined in international or national legislation as having a set of specific rights based on their historical ties to a particular territory, and their cultural or historical distinctiveness from other politically and socially dominant populations. They are determined to preserve, develop and transmit to future generations their ancestral territories, identity, cultural patterns, social institutions and legal systems. A special set of political rights for the indigenous peoples have been set by international organizations like the United Nations, the International Labour Organization and the World Bank in accordance international law. The United Nations have issued a Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples to guide national policies of various countries to collective rights of indigenous peoples—such as culture, identity, language and access to employment, health, education and natural resources. India has the most substantial population of indigenous communities which are recognized as Scheduled Tribes in its Constitution. In Himachal Pradesh, Rajputs and Brahmans are schedule Tribes. In Tripura, the descendents of the Kings are scheduled tribes. In Sikkim, the Bhutias are scheduled Tribes, so on and so forth.

Numerous government policies aim at promotion of tribal communities inhabiting all over India. The central and state governments have made sustained efforts to provide opportunities to these communities for their economic development by eradicating poverty and health problems and developing communication for removal of isolation of their habitats. Although Article 14 provides for equality before law and equal protection of law to all people, Article 15(4) allows the States to make special provisions for the advancement of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes. In matters of employment or appointment to any office, Article 16(4) mentions that the State should make provisions for reservation in favour of any backward class citizen who is not adequately represented in the services. Article 16 (4A) and 16(4B) empower the States to make provisions for promotion in the services in favour of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes. Article 46 directs the States to promote the educational and economic interests of the weaker sections particularly the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. Article 275(1) makes provisions for grants-in-aid from the Consolidated Fund of India for promoting the welfare of the Scheduled Tribes and administration of Scheduled Areas. Reservation of seats for the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes in Parliament, state Legislature and in Panchayats is provided under Article 330, Article 332 and Article 243(D) respectively.

Even though the Meiteis in Manipur valley have fulfilled the criteria for being listed in Scheduled Tribes list, they have long been denied these opportunities due to non-inclusion in the list. After Manipur’s merger to Indian Union, Meiteis were given the status of the General Category. In spite of the Meiteis’ belongingness to the Mongoloid stock, a few influential people of that time introduced Meiteis as the descendents of the Aryans to the government of India. People of hill areas were given the status of Scheduled Tribe, while Lois and Yaithibis were categorized as Scheduled Castes. Meiteis have lagged behind other communities of Manipur in matters of appointments to various jobs and promotion to higher ranks due to its being in the general category. Now, Meiteis may also be given the opportunity to preserve and protect its unique culture and tradition under the Constitution. Moreover, in order to being balanced development of the various communities and to narrow down the apparent disparity among communities in Manipur, Meiteis should be accorded Scheduled Tribe status by declaring the whole state of Manipur as hill state. Recognition of Meiteis as a Scheduled Tribe will minimize the apprehension created by onslaught of outsiders from within or without the country. It will help preserve the composite identity and territory of the land.

Recognizing certain religions as religious minority under National Commission of Minorities Act 1992, the Government of India provides assistance in the education of children belonging to these religious minorities. Although National and State commissions have been set up to protect the people of religious communities, Sanamahi religion is yet to be recognized under this category. As Meiteis are adopting all the age-old indigenous traditions, the community can well be categorized as tribal. Meiteis worship Sanamahi deity and follow their age-old traditions during various ceremonies. Even after adopting Hinduism, Meiteis are still following the primitive culture and heritage of the forefathers. Meiteis particularly those following Sanamahi faith are fit to be recognized as Scheduled Tribe under the Constitution of India. Sanamahi faith may also be recognized as a religious minority. Non-inclusion of Meiteis in Scheduled Tribe list is a historical blunder. As an indigenous group, Meiteis need to protect and preserve its age-old customs, traditions and territory under the provisions of Indian Constitution. Right thinking individuals of the state should support the move for recognition of Meiteis as a Scheduled Tribe, even though it is a bit delayed.

Source: kanglaonline.com

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When “tribe” definition ceases to be anthropological and becomes constitutional

By Pradip Phanjoubam

The storm in the tea-cup over the demand from certain sections of the Meitei community for inclusion in the 5th Schedule of the Indian constitution which lists an ever increasing number of recognized tribes in India, is unfortunate for many radically different reasons. Obviously, the tribal status in India is no longer defined by anthropological or sociological parameters, but by the cravings of the incentives accorded to this status.

In this way, the conditions for an ever proliferating number of demands from different communities to be given the tribal status, and equally importantly, the reason for perpetuating this retrogressive social status by those who are already classified in this category, are inherent in the constitution itself. Let there be no dispute about this, what the section of the Meiteis are demanding is not the tribal status but the incentives that come along with it, just as the opposition to the demand by tribal students bodies in the state, is not to another community joining the tribal ranks, but the fear that there will be more competitors of these same incentives and governmental doles.

Both, are pathetic in equal measures, and in fact are the two sides of the same coin. The Meiteis should not be wanting to be tribals, I will give some of my reasons why, and on the other hand, the tribals should have been happy at the prospect of an expanded fraternity. That both parties see it other than this way, is nothing short of a tragedy of a grand story being reduced to a trivial and mundane one. On the wide canvas, the harmatia (or fatal flaw in personality) as the Greeks call it, is that of the incentive structuring of the Indian constitution, and not so much of the much visible dramatis personae of the current issue in Manipur.

I will not go further on whether the tribal status is good or bad for communities which are already listed in the 5th Schedule of the constitution, considering the sensitivity of the issue, but here are some of my reasons why the demand from a section of the Meiteis for tribal status is a bad idea, and I am not saying this out of sentimental reasons, but sound economics. It is a bad idea because the gains can only be short term, and the unseen prices paid for it will be far heavier. I have not done any empirical survey on the matter, so what I say here will be from general observations alone.

Whatever else may be said, the Meitei economy today is one of the most diversified, if not the most diversified in the entire northeast region, including Assam, precisely because its growth has been intrinsic in nature, and not so much a result of pre-fabricated, one-size-fit-all economic models dropped from above. It may not be a monetarily rich economy yet, but have no doubt it would prove the most resilient ultimately. In it is practically every component of a naturally cultured, therefore multifaceted, life’s battle hardened economy. Look at the range of professions the community has nurtured. From cycle repair shops to excellent motorcar workshops, from watch mechanics and TV repair professionals to medical professionals of the highest standards, from traditional doll makers, truck drivers, weavers, to media professionals and academics of repute. Blacksmiths, goldsmiths, gunsmiths, sportsmen, professional dancers, farmers, carpenters, masons, computer hackers… you name it and the Meitei society would have them. Many of these professions were groomed by survival needs, and most began as, and still are extremely lowly paid jobs. Yet they have managed to survive as economic traditions.

This range and reach could not have happened in a completely sponsored economy, which are essentially top heavy and bottom empty. The top is essential no doubt, but ultimately it will be the bottom which will make the difference, once the sponsors retreat.

In fact, most of my criticisms of the Manipur government’s employment, therefore economic policies have been from this standpoint. No government has done much to build the place’s modern economy from this rich traditional foundation, by striving to enrich the environment in which this diversification can thrive and expand, such as by ensuring electricity availability, improving road and internet connectivity, extending better credit facilities to prospective entrepreneurs etc. Instead, today gainful employment has come to mean only garnering government jobs, and we all know government jobs have a very low ceiling, and in fact this ceiling has already been reached. Nonetheless, creating jobs in the government’s parlance continues woefully to be confined to raising more police constabularies etc.

Let those amongst the Meiteis who want the 5th Schedule tribal status do some serious rethinking. Even the OBC status they are now classified into should be treated as a temporary measure. Imagine how hollow and vulnerable an economy which has only government job holders and nothing else would be. There is much wisdom in the saying “Phadi leitana imung keidouneida oiroi” (a household without phadi/towel, can never be complete).

But as I mentioned earlier, if the demand for tribal status by the Meiteis (or at least a section of the community) is bad, the opposition to it from those already classified as tribals is as shameful for it demonstrates how uncivil our “civil society” still is. Indeed, the debate over who or what should constitute the rather ethereal notion of “civil society” gets all the more intriguing in a conflict situation, such as in Manipur. The question is, should “civil society” have a technical definition and be treated as constituting of the occupants of a space earmarked between the State and private vested interests, or other power players, such as the militant challengers to the State’s authority and legitimacy?

While this definition of “civil society” is definitely not sufficient, it has been indeed a convenient one. The trouble however is, when there is a technical definition of “civil society”, it invariably turns into a hotly contested space, and in fact often readily transforms into an extension of the conflicts they are supposed to be arbitrating thus becoming in the process an instrument of the same war, though by other means.

Manipur is familiar with this phenomenon. The “civil society” space has been deeply fissured on sectarian ethnic lines, demonstrations of which are never in short supply. Such wars by other means are fought on practically every issue involving any two or more communities of the state’s multitude of communities. The division is also seen along other broader lines such as between the hill districts and valley districts, between the tribals and non-tribals etc.

It is not uncommon to even hear of self proclaimed human rights organisations, thrown up by mutually antagonistic ethnic communities, speaking two different languages on the same issue. It is as if there is nothing universal about even human rights. How then can the “civil society” be the agent for the much hyped problem solving discourses, is a question much ignored.

The technical ear-marking of a so called “civil society” space leads to another familiar problematic situation. The conflicting parties themselves begin actually to contest for this space by putting up their “civil society” proxies, having realized how powerful these bodies can be in force multiplying their agenda through precisely the “wars by other means”.

The result is a complication of the conflicts themselves. So much has already been written about how even students’ movements have become organs of those behind these conflicts. Some even float their own “civil society” bodies. Must this not be considered a corruption of the popular understanding of “civil society”? A rethink is vital to consider if the definition of civil society must not have some qualitative elements over and above just the quantitative.

A weak State has not helped matter one bit either. Here, legitimate powers that should vest only with it often get wrested away by numerous “civil society” bodies, adding to the general residue of insecurity amongst a larger section of the society. The Weberian notion of legitimate violence is no longer a monopoly of the state, precisely because of its ineptitude and lack of commitment. This legitimacy vests in the hands of so many so called “civil society” bodies, precisely because of the state defaulting. Take the latest case of the hauling up of ice-cream manufacturers for unhygienic factory environment by a students’ body. The vigilant act which would have gained them public legitimacy should have rested solely  with the government had it also been as committed to public interest.

Although in a different context, and lacking half the gravity of the powerfully communicated despair in Macbeth’s last word for his queen at the news of her death, in considering Manipur politics, one is reminded of how the great Shakespearean character summarised his wife’s life, “….a tale told by an idiot, full of sound and fury, signifying nothing.”

There are many issues of extreme urgency awaiting government attention. Law and order without dispute would rank as number one among all of these. I am not simply referring to the obvious case of insurgency but also again to the manner in which a major portion of what should have remained as sole governmental responsibility, as well as the seal of authority that should have been exclusively the government’s, are being allowed to be wrested away systematically by non-governmental players in the state’s sordid power game.

Or are we witnessing a cruel parody of what Karl Marx called the “withering away of the state”, to give way to a “dictatorship of the proletariat”. The presumption seemed to have been, when the masses are the dictators over their own affairs, rooms for injustice and oppression would be automatically eliminated. The lessons of the atrocities of the French Revolution, which too had justice and equality as its slogans, were surprisingly missed, and VI Lenin’s interpretation of Marxism took cognizance of this problematic area when he stressed on the centrality of the Party of elite thinkers and leaders in any Communist revolution.

In a way he anticipated a basic foundation of modern electoral democracy too, for indeed, democracy is also about a people electing its elite leadership to be in charge of their affairs till so long as they enjoy their confidence as expressed in their periodically renewed electoral mandates. In this way the quality of a democracy is also determined by the capability of an electorate to choose the best amongst its elite. You get the elite you deserve.

In Manipur, the state is withering away, not by any grand Marxian design, but precisely for the abject lack of a will or imagination to come up with a design. For our elected elite, the needs for accountability or good governance are secondary to their personal agenda centred around the competition for the spoils and clout of office.

A rule of the masses has thereby been unleashed, leading to a mad contest for the powers of governance amongst various “civil society” organisations. Today many of these mushrooming power centres have naturally filled in where the government is absent and have even assumed the judicial powers of summons, inquisitions and trials, executive powers of levying taxes, excise duties and even to mete out summary punishments.

They legislate too through diktats and decrees. And yet the government continues to pretend there is nothing seriously wrong and that the law and order situation has improved. Time for all, most pertinently the government, to wake up.
Source:kanglaonline.com

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AITSA opposes ST demand : Meitei to be in ST category

IMPHAL, July 19, 2013 [TSE] --- Close on the heels of the UNC and ATSUM registering opposition to the ST status demand by the Meitei community, the All India Tribal Students' Association, Manipur has raised objection to the demand for granting ST status by the ST Demand Committee, Manipur.

AITSA, Manipur has submitted a memorandum to the Governor of the State raising objection to the 'illogical and unconstitutional demand' for the inclusion of the Meitei/Meetei community in the ST category.

Meanwhile, AITSA, Delhi in a statement issued yesterday by its President, K Zou has demanded the Chief Minister of the State to tender apology to the Mongoloid SC community for not recognising SC villages and settlement in the revenue land record of the State Govt even more than six decades of their entry in the lists of SC.

"The Association is shaken and anguish by the reply from none other than the CM, O Ibobi , who said that there is no recognised Scheduled Caste village in Manipur as per the State's land revenue records while responding to a query raised by Thounaojam Shyamkumar, MLA from Andro, in the recently concluded Assembly Session as reported in the local newspapers on June 22," the AITSA statement said.

It is also shocking that when the Govt of Manipur submitted a report on the existence of eight SC villages, to the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) on June 18, 1965, and also Khwairakpam Devendro, MLA cited that SC villages were mentioned in the Manipur Gazette published in 1994, how can the SC villages in Manipur be treated as unauthorised or illegal settlement, it asked while demanding immediate inclusion of the SC villages in the land revenue record.

The Association also urged the Scheduled Tribe Demand Committee Manipur (STDCM) to publicly express their genuine regrets for the discrimination meted to Meitei speaking SC communities for decades, if they are concerned about restoring peaceful cohesion in the state.

"A section of the indigenous people settling in Sekmai, Phayeng, Khurkhul, Koutruk, Laimaram Kwatha, Laimaram Khunou, Andro and Chairel villages were declared as scheduled caste and listed them in the Constitution of India as Muchi, Ravidas, Namasudra, Patni, Sutradhar and Yaithibi. They have been inhumanly neglected by the subsequent governments and even by the civil society organizations. As both the Meitei and Tribals did not fully consider them as their fellow community, they live in the "no man's zone" of the mindset of people of Manipur," it asserted.

The Govt of Manipur must hang their heads in shame, for attempting to do away the rightful settlement of the SC community, in similar manner in which Kabo Leikai-Naga River lane was demolished recently, it added.

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Manipuri Meitei Culture and its Impact on Women

Dr. M. Tineshowri Devi Assistant Professor Department of Social Work Assam University, Silchar moirangi@yahoo.com Introduction The concept of Culture is developed by beliefs, faith, practices, customs, way to live, language, food habits, etc. The Cultural growth gave identity to the societies. Through the generation it has been noted that women are the one who carry the culture to generation to generation at different forms and at different level. Women of Manipur has come under the influences of cultures at various times and contributed to the growth of civilization. Women in Manipur seem to enjoy greater mobility and visibility than women of other communities in the country. According to census 2011, the sex ratio of Manipur is 987 against all India with 940. Looking at the literacy rate women of Manipur is much higher with 59.70 than the national level 54.28. Thus, it is often cited to portray a picture of equity between men and women in the region and has given rise to the presumption that discrimination against women is not a major concern in the area however, the region under the shadow of conflicts has witnessed a resurgence of patriarchal values, norms which have brought after the Hinduism that affect the Meitei people at large but the impact on women and girls is far greater because of their sex and status in society. Meitei Women of Manipur in Pre-Hindu period Manipur presents a unique cultural, ethnic, linguistics and religious profile of India. Before the advent of Hinduism following the event of oath taking known as Nongkhrang Iruppa in 1724 A.D during the reign of King Pamheiba, the Meiteis professed their traditional Sanamahi religion. While the Sanamahi, (the traditional God) trait prevailed over majority of the people in the valley of Manipur particularly among the Meitei. Looking at the conditions of Meitei women in Manipur, there was a reflection of high status seen among women in pre-Hindu period. During the pre-Hindu period, though the patriarchal concept was there, women status was equally better with counterpart men. In 1715, during the Garib Niwaz (Pamheiba), in Manipur there used to have four kinds of court over and above the king court (Kuchu) which is the highest. The courts were: (i) Courts concerning religious matters, (ii) Court concerning secular matters, (iii) Court for females, (iv) Military courts.  (Singh, 1978).Women had their own courtship (no.iii) where the women related issues and family matters were resolved at the Maharani court. Only women who are in courtship took the decisions, if in case, they could not solve the matter then only the matter was being referred to King. In pre-Hindu period society, women played a major role in religion. This role is evident from the dominance of women in the goddess cult and in 'Umang Lai Haraona', umang 'forest' lai 'diety' haraoba 'to please' (a festival for worshipping Pre-Hindu deities). In this role of priestess is considered much more important than that of the priest (Parrot, 1980). It was also seen that not only were women who believed to have the power to communicate with spirits and supernatural beings, but women were so central that when a priest performed the rituals of Lai Haraoba the priest usually dressed himself as a priestess. The concept of purity and impurity was not seen much before. So women perform all the deities' duties. In earlier Meitei society, the title used by women, the first one refers to clans and the later family names or linage. In a patriarchal society, the women's family name or surname is lost at marriage, as the social norms require them to adopt the name of husband after marriage. It's mentioned that the retention of the family name after marriage is one of the rights of being a male i.e., only men have real names. But in Meitei custom, after the marriage woman does not have to lose her family name. eg. Miss Naorem, Rani Devi marries Mr. Irom Shanta Singh, then her name would be Naorem Ningol Irom ongbi Rani 'Naorem (menaing-Rani married to Irom' where Irom is the family name of the husband). It was also seen to have been the Meitei custom for husbands and wives to address one another using their respective personal names. Women played a very important role, with their participation going away beyond managing economics of the house. When the male head of a family is killed or imprisoned, the mother has to fill in the gap caused by the patriarch's absence. She has to work to bring up the children. It is a necessity that cannot be overlooked. In the old days, since Manipur was often at war to keep off invaders and protect its borders, the number of families with women as the heads was comparatively high. This resulted in women coming out of the house to earn livelihood. Internal trade was carried on essentially by women in the various open bazaars (market) in the valley. In the market all selling and buying are done by women. And a great number of markets were established during the period of Meidingu Senbi Khagemba (1592-1652) in different places. The women from different places come to this market and all the essential commodities are made available here. The power of the market women of Manipur were demonstrated on various occasions. The first Nupi Lan-1904 (Women War) as well as Nupi Lan of 1939 are glaring example. It is not only an economic centre but also a political centre as well. In order to developed trade with the people from the hill, a Hao Keithel (Tribal market) was developed at Imphal. The most important bazaar in the valley was the Khwairamand Bazar or Sana Keithel at Imphal. The women's market of Manipur is the only market of women in the north-east region of India and probably could be the only in the world. Meitei women of Manipur after Hinduism At the beginning of 18th century, Hinduism entered to Manipur during the reign of Gharib Niwaz (1709-1748). The fact is Vaishnavism practiced by Meiteis in Manipur consequently became a peculiarly Manipuri Vaishnvism in form, adopting aspects of olden culture and modified by it.  Further, since Vaishnavism represented a more progressive ideology, it had attracted the attention of many people though it certainly did not grow unopposed. He destroyed many traditional Lais (Local Dieties) and also burnt many books on ancient literature. The event is still remembered today as the 'Puya Meithaba'. Along with it Garibniwaz took up a numbers of measures to spread Vaishnavism in Manipur. He ordered to discontinue all the ceremonies and rituals of the old Meitei faith and they were substituted by the Hindu ceremonies and rituals. With the advice of the Santidas Mahanta, the king destroyed the image of Sanamahi, the greatest deities of Umanglais (family) of the Meiteis. Some of the points are highlighted below about cultures, rituals and customs that are affecting directly and indirectly the women status of Manipuri Meitei in Manipur society. 1.       Marriage: Meitei marriage system is very ancient and is believed to have started before 300-400 B.C. Now this tradition has been followed with certain modification of Hindu religion. 'Luhongba'-It is a formal marriage ceremony. Formal rituals are made elaborately at the residence of the bride. Ancestral deity, local deities, sanamahi are worshipped on this day. Both the bride and groom are ritually sanctified on this day. In the marriage there is a ritual called kainya dhan piba (giving away our daughter), only men (father, brother, uncle or relatives) will perform it where any women (mother, sister or relatives) will not be allowed to perform the duty.  In a meitei society, women take the back seat in every public functions like marriage, feasts at home or even at death. There is a concept called ahalna phamen phamgadabani (elderly will take the main front seat for any functions) unfortunately, this ahal (elderly) does not include the elderly women. Meitei family is patriarchal and patrilocal. Newly married couple usually live with the groom's parents. As a tradition, sons inherit their parent's property equally while girls inherit nothing. When a girl marries, she gets some property in the name of awunpot, which literally means 'gifts given at the time of marriage'. Unmarried and divorcees (women) are allowed to have a piece of land in their natal home to construct a house to stay. Avoidance relationship is also maintained only between the elder brother-in-law and the bride. So, bride is not supposed to say or call directly and cannot even touch him by mistake. This practice shows kind of discrimination and oppression towards the bride. On the marriage day, the husband dines before his wife and she is made to dine from the left-outs of her husband's plate. The pattern has been changed by taking a spoon of food from the used plate and to continue the dinner from her plate. However, the underlying theme is that woman remains subjugated and but remain male chauvinism. The life of a daughter-in-law (mou) starts the very day a woman attains "mou-hood". She has to get up early in the morning; no matter it is summer or winter.  She is also expected to do all the household chores just to please her husband and in- laws whether she is capable of doing it or not. It is kind of obligatory.  It is a kind of oppression and another form of domestic violence towards women. The condition of a working woman / "mou" is even worst whether she is contributing her energy to the economy of the family. No matter what position she holds in the workplace but in the family and society, she remains as "mou".  She is still expected to carry on all kinds of household chores even after a tiring day's work outside and expected to give all her earned money otherwise she will be called as lazy mou and blame her in each of her step.  At the same time she is constantly under vigil and attacked at every minor mistake she commits and in-laws will be happy gossiping about the mou to neighbours, locality and relatives. She is subjected to the filthiest, dirtiest verbal abuses and even sometimes heinous physical abuse. She still has to endure all the pain and carry on with her duties. It is seen that the wife is not allowed to eat with her husband by sharing the same curry or any other eatables. At the same time women's left out cannot be eaten by husband. During her menstrual cycle of 5 days, she is not allowed to enter to kitchen, prepare food and even touch utensils. She cannot even touch her husband's food items. During this period she is not allowed to do any puja. In other times, she is equally prevented from the mentioned activities unless she has taken a bath. All these activities, if conducted, are treated as desecration. This concept of purity and impurity is mainly influenced by the ideology of Hinduism. In other words, the 'untouchable' still prevails in our Meitei society in a disguised form. It is quite prevailed that being a male should not collect a phanek (wrapper round worn by women) from the clothes line that shows the men's chauvinism. There has been a mixed of religion and other social institutions. When a woman is suppressed by the custom, the act is being prejudiced and the reason put forward is mostly on the man's fate. In other words, her breaking of the defined tradition will lead to the husband's ill luck. 2.      Child birth: The concept of purity and impurity especially to women are seen mainly at child birth. If a child is born in a family, then instead of sharing the good news, it will spread to all the clans that there is yum mangpa, (impure of houses), where the particular clan will not do any form of puja for 12 days.  Once the baby is born, mother will also not be allowed to enter to kitchen and other places of house for almost 45 days. But there won't be any restriction in food. According to Universal immunization programme, it is said that there should be exclusive breast feeding upto 6 months. But in Manipur, the culture of first feeding (chak-umba) is still prevailing that if the child is baby girl, chak-umba will do after completion of three months, but for boys it will be held after five months.  It shows that since childhood girls are often neglected by the social norms. Among the meitei society, son preference is strongly seen, if a mother happens to have two girl children, parents, in-laws, and relatives will pressure the mother to go for another baby preferring son. 3.       Puberty Rituals of adolescence for boys and girls are seen. For boys Nokun thangba/Lokun thangba (Wearing of sacred threads): This ceremony (both traditional and religious) is compulsorily done for boys before marriage. This ceremony is also done by the bamons (brahmins). This is also called Laiming Louba (taking the name of God). After this ceremony, according to the tradition, boys should follow the code of conduct as a male in the society. For girls Laimng Louba: When a girl attains the age of menstruation but before the menstruation starts, the mother will take her to the temple or will do the puja at home. This is mainly done for fertility and health. After this ceremony, girls should follow the code of conduct as a woman in the society. In most of the houses girls who have attained menstruation will not be allowed for doing puja and entering to kitchen. The physiological changes occurring among the girls are not taken as their becoming of maturity rather they are treated as impurity. Thus, girls always remain the center of subordinate and inferiority. If a girl falls sick, girls do not want to go to government hospital because of the gossip within the neighbours and society at large.  Sometimes it creates problems in health seeking behaviour especially among the girls.   If a girl is taken to government hospital with their family members which is far off, neighbours will suspect her that she must have undergone something like abortion.  Thus the girls prefer going to private hospital which is nearby and easily accessible. Thus they are physically, emotionally and culturally deprived (Devi, 2010).    4. Death Before 1724 i.e., during the reign of Garib Newaz, Meiteis used to bury the dead bodies. But after Hindunisation, Meiteis started cremating them. (T.C Hudson, 1908). If a family member died (father or mother), women are not allowed to light the pyre. All the clans will be announced as impure till yumsengba ( cleaning of house with holy puja). In fact, there are two important ceremonies that are performed after the death of a person. They are asti sanchey/ laihun and sorat/lanna thouram. They are briefly explained below: ·         On the sixth day of death, a ceremony called asti is performed. On the twelveth day, i.e., on the previous day of sorat, a small ceremony named 'yumsengba' (cleaning of the house with holy puja) is carried out. It is performed by a bomon (Brahmin). On the thirteen or fourteenth day (for aged people) the sorat is performed. Throughout the process or sorat, women play a very important role in showing the pain and sorrow for the demise. Relatives from near and dear ones keep visiting the deceased family; the women of the family will attain the visitors by lamenting for the whole 13-14 days till the sorat is performed. During the asti and sorat, there will be puja where all relatives will attribute flowers and money to the deceased photos. In this puja all the menfolk (more than 40-50 depending) will be allowed to do the attribute first followed by women folk including the elderly women at the end. This culture again shows the different discrimination against women of all ages. 5.      Dress It is generally believed that, the dress worn by the Meitei men were the kind of dress worn by the king of Manipur when He ascended the throne. Regarding female dress, it is said that phanek mayek naibi, the strip colour phanek with plain edge which was used by panthoibi is being followed by Meitei women till now. This phanek was actually used by the queen when she ascended the throne along with the King. Today, this phanek is seen worn by Meitei women. Meitei women started wearing shirts from the second week of October,1779, when Maha Rasa Lila started dance in Manipur. Because of the advance in civilization, besides phanek women started wearing shirts, skirts, jeans, sarees and salwar kameez where the male counterpart wear shirt and pant. Unfortunately women do not enjoy the taste of different types of dresses because their dresses are being discussed, discarded and restricted to wear by different insurgency organizations. In recent trend, in schools and colleges girls are not allowed to wear skirts so they have to compulsorily change their skirts into phanek. Regarding ornaments, most of the ornaments worn by the ancestors cannot be seen today. However, as far as the dress and ornaments are concerned, most of them are seen in the traditional and religious occasions like Lai Haraoba festivals that are worn by women only. Women are the one who save the culture and at the same time this culture is again giving a very different picture in the status of women in the society. 6. Language Language is such an influential force in shaping a society; it is obvious that those who have the power and strength will have their meaning in a privileged and in an advantageous position.  Most of the abusive language is directed at female sexual behaviour that indicates the inferior position of women in the society. Conclusion From the above discussion, it can be concluded that we all need to give a serious thought to this and focus our concern towards women empowerment as women have an active part socially, culturally, politically in all spheres. So it is therefore we cannot blame only males for the oppression caused to women but also the women themselves. At the same time the role of the male to make sure that the wife has an equal voice within the family and society at large. Let us not forget that a female is no lesser a human being but just our male dominated society over the years having amazingly projected that to be the case, so we all need to fight this gender inequality in customs and cultures especially in Meitei society. References Government of India, census 2011, provisional http://www.lisindia.net/Mani/Mani_cult.html Hudson, T. C. 1908, The Meitheis, London. Low Price Publications, Parratt, S. N. 1980. Religion of Manipur, Calcutta: Firma KLM pvt. Pramodini, N. Gender Differences in Meiteiron linguistics of Tibeto-Burman Area Vol.28.1 Spring 2005. Singh, M. Chandra (ed). 1963. Panthoibi Khongun, Imphal: Manipur Sahitya Parisad Singh, N. Khelchandra. 1978. Ariba Manipuri Longei. Imphal Manipur State Kala Academy. Tineshowri. M (2010), Reproductive Health and Adolescent Girls, Akansha Publication, New Delhi. Courtesy: via email

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