Suunna: Paul Zamkholun Samte (80)
ZASAKNA: ZOMI NAM NI | CHIKHA
Tutung Cikha a Zomi namni thupi tak in kibawl ding a mizogam pan Manipur pan zong zin leh leng pen nasia mah mah ding ban ah Tedim/kawlpi lampan zong khualzin mi nasia mah mah ding hi.Tua kawmkal ah Lamka ah zong nasia tak in kibawl ding hi. Gamdang US/Malay etc. te pen gamdang in koih phot leng i gam i lei ah Cikha leh Lamka ah Zomi Namni pen a nuam thei pen leh a nasia thei pen in kibawl ding hi.
Lungdam.
KSO SADAR HILLS: KANGPOKPI DISTRICT MIPI HETSAHNA
Kangpokpi District hi 2016 kumma full-fledged district ahitah vangin kum ijat hampi hi Senapati District min a Aadhar card chule documents dang dang hoa hi ana um jing nalai in ahi. Hiche jehin gamsung mipi adeh a students ho ana boi-jing uvin ahi.
Kuki Students' Organisation Sadar Hills leh Blocks ' THENJANG ASSEMBLY' resolution no. 7 dunjui in gelkhohna nei pum'in Kangpokpi district a kheldoh na dingin ana ki lheipi pan in ahi. Amopo(Authority) ho toh avel vel in ana kiki houkhom nungin iboinao le ingaichat jing u chu, Tuni nisim 19th February 2026 nikhon suhlhap in ahung umtai.
Tunia konna Aadhar Card/Voter card /Ration card /Tribe certificate hoa SENAPATI DISTRICT kiti jouse KANGPOKPI DISTRICT a DC office ground-floor right-wing 1st Room munna ikikhel thei diu ahitai.
(K SHONGRENG )
General Secretary, KSO Sadar Hills
WKZIC MEMORANDUM: KUKI CHIEFS ASSOCIATION
THULHUTNA
(Memorandum)
To:
President/Secretary, Kuki Chiefs Assn (KCA)- M,
Through: Kuki Inpi (KIM).
Thupi: Kuki-Zo te Khopi, Khoke, Khoke-son leh Khoke-son-son umjat leh akiphudoh kum leh innjat akinthei pen chuleh avaigei pen a 3rd May 2026 kah a suhtoh teitei ding a ngehna.
Ja umtah Haosa-Upaho,
Central BJP Government in aminset behseh phat uva Manipur a President's Rule (PR) umsah nadinga N. Biren Singh Chief Minister a kom a haidinga anajol uva chu, aman 9th February, 2025 a 'Haina Lekha' ana peh achu, atoh bang khaiho jouse phatah a maban a jong tohmolso ahina dinga ngehna anabol pompeh ahitoh kilhon a, maban a hung challha thou thou ding ahi.
Hijehchun ipi hileh maban a boilou nading, Namsunga suhtoh ding leh bolding poimo ho;
1. Gampu hina a Haosa ho KCA (M) in akinthei pen a, 1951 masanga Kuki-Zo kho ana umsese list suhtoh ding,
2. 1951 masanga ana um KHO (Mother Village) a kon a Khoke (Hamlet villages) list sese leh Khoke kisat kum phatah a suhtup teitei ding.
3. 1951 jouva KHOKE (Hamlet villages) ho'a kon a Khoke-son (New Hamlet villages) jouse akisemdoh kumho list suhtoh teitei ding,
Note: GoI hihen GoM hijong leh SA/UT pehlou natei2 dinga imitmo na u hoiya ipi umding ham tia chang pang ahung hijing jeh uva, chunga kisei jouse hi isuhtoh chet phat uleh phatecha a Kukite khojat leh KHOPI jat, KHOKHE jat, KHOKE-SON jat, KHOKE-SON-SON jatho kicheh tah a list semtup chet a tahlah ding ahi GoI/GoM hihen NAMDANG te hijong leh Immigrants/ Refugee kitiho suhthip nading a hiche akisei hi mamo mong2 ahitai.
Tribe chom chom ho KCA jurisdiction in ahopjou lou hojong, ama-ama tribe lamkaiho a kon a jaosah teitei ding ahi.
Chuleh iham tia NRC ahin bolthou thou khahtah ujong leh, imoh tin uleh miho ginmo2 chu vannoi het a adih hung sohdoh ding ahijeh a, hiche hi suhtup teitei ding ahi.
Ngehna hinbol,
Sd/-
(L.TUNTA NGAIHTE)
Vice-President (Cust & Cult),
World Kuki-Zo Intellectual Council (WKZIC)
A HISTORICAL AND ACADEMIC REBUTTAL: "Refugees" and "Aggressors"
"On Wrong Accusation of Kukis as 'Refugees' and 'Aggressors' on Native Tribes of NE India"
By: Dr. TS Haokip, WKZIC
Abstract
Recurring claims portraying the Kukis of Northeast India as colonial-era imports, refugee populations of recent origin, or uniquely aggressive actors lack substantiation in colonial archives and early administrative documentation.This article undertakes a critical reassessment of British ethnographic writings, frontier gazetteers, military dispatches, and post-independence parliamentary debates to evaluate these assertions. The evidence demonstrates that Kukis were recognized as organized hill polities possessing hereditary chieftainship and defined territorial jurisdiction prior to and during colonial rule. Furthermore, the application of the term "refugee" in the post-1950s period emerged within insurgency-era political rhetoric and mid-twentieth-century administrative repatriation processes rather than from historical origin. By distinguishing archival documentation from later political narratives, this study contributes to broader debates on indigeneity, frontier governance, and historical memory in Northeast India.
I. *Introduction*
Debates concerning indigeneity and territorial legitimacy in Manipur have increasingly relied upon historical reinterpretations. Among the claims advanced in contemporary discourse are the assertions that the Kukis were;
1) Brought by the British as porters or labourers,
2) Refugee populations of relatively recent arrival, and
3) Uniquely aggressive actors against other hill communities.
These claims demand scrutiny through archival evidence rather than political rhetoric. A careful examination of colonial records reveals that Kukis were documented as organized hill societies with recognized political authority well before the mid-twentieth century _(Brown, 1873; Mackenzie, 1884; Hodson, 1908; Shakespeare, 1912; Reid, 1942)._
II. *Colonial Documentation of Settlement and Governance*
Early British administrative works consistently describe established Kuki settlements in Manipur's hill tracts.
* In Statistical Account of Manipur, R. Brown documented numerous Kuki villages under hereditary chiefs exercising territorial jurisdiction (Brown, 1873).
* His descriptions indicate structured authority rather than migratory labour encampments.
* Similarly, The Meitheis identifies Kukis as integral hill inhabitants possessing organized clan systems and customary governance structures (Hodson, 1908).
* Further ethnographic detail appears in The Kuki-Lushai Clans, which outlines hereditary succession of chiefs, judicial practices, and military organization (Shakespeare, 1912).
* Alexander Mackenzie's The North-East Frontier of India refers to "Kuki country" and organized territorial authority within the frontier administrative framework (Mackenzie, 1884). Such terminology reflects political recognition rather than marginal status.
* Collectively, these sources establish that Kukis were functioning indigenous polities embedded within the region's political ecology.
III. *Political Structure and Colonial Engagement*
British frontier administration engaged directly with Kuki chiefs in matters of taxation, punitive expeditions, and political negotiation (Reid, 1942). The consistent use of terms such as "Kuki Chiefs" and "independent villages" indicates recognition of localized sovereignty within indirect rule arrangements.
Administrative interaction presupposed territorial authority. It would have been implausible for colonial authorities to conduct sustained military campaigns, negotiations, and settlements with populations considered transient labour imports.
IV. *The Anglo-Kuki War and the Collapse of the Porter Thesis*
* The Anglo-Kuki War provides decisive archival evidence contradicting the claim that Kukis were colonial porters.
* During World War I, British authorities attempted compulsory recruitment into the Labour Corps and interfered with traditional chieftainship authority. Resistance from Kuki chiefs escalated into sustained armed conflict lasting from 1917 to 1919 (Government of India, Political Proceedings, 1917-1919; Reid, 1942).
* Official dispatches document coordinated resistance across multiple chiefdoms, fortified defensive strategies, and extensive suppression operations. The scale and duration of the conflict demonstrate organized territorial defense, not colonial dependency.
* Rather than serving as imported labourers, Kukis resisted forced conscription.The porter-import thesis is therefore contradicted by colonial military records.
V. *Frontier Mobility and the Anachronism of "Refugee"*
* The modern legal concept of "refugee" emerged prominently after World War II.
* Applying this category retrospectively to pre-modern frontier societies is historically inaccurate.
* Hill Polities across Northeast India- including Naga, Kuki, Lushai (Mizo), and Chin groups- engaged in strategic relocation, alliance formation, and reciprocal raiding as part of a frontier political ecology shaped by resource competition (Mackenzie, 1884; Shakespeare, 1912).
* Colonial records describe Kukis as inhabitants of defined hill territories interacting with neighboring polities.
* They do not categorize them as displaced foreigners.
VI. *Inter-Polity Conflict in Comparative Context*
* Frontier records indicate that raiding and retaliatory cycles were reciprocal among multiple hill communities (Reid, 1942). Violence was structurally embedded within frontier competition rather than uniquely attributable to any single group.
* There is no archival evidence supporting the thesis of a singular, centuries-long Kuki campaign of aggression against "native" tribes. Such portrayals reflect contemporary political framing rather than documented historical patterns.
VII. *Post-Independence Repatriation and Statistical Context*
Following the 1962 upheavals in Burma (Myanmar), the Government of India organized repatriation of persons of Indian origin. Proceedings of the Parliament of India, recorded in the Lok Sabha Debates, confirm that approximately 200,000 Indian-origin persons were repatriated during the 1960s.
* Within this nationwide cohort, community accounts indicate that approximately 1,500 Kukis were among those repatriated. Numerically, this constitutes less than one percent of the total Indian-origin repatriate population.
Three clarifications are essential:
* The 200,000 figure represents Indian-origin repatriates across multiple communities.
* The estimated 1,500 Kukis formed a minor subset within this broader administrative category.
* Repatriation presupposes prior national affiliation and does not establish foreign ethnic origin.
* Parliamentary debates concerned rehabilitation logistics- transportation, housing, and compensation- not ethnogenesis.
* Consequently, administrative classification during repatriation cannot retroactively redefine the historical origin of the Kuki community.
VIII. *Archival Evidence versus Political Construction*
Colonial documentation consistently establishes Kuki's presence in Manipur prior to:
1. Indian Independence (1947),
2. The insurgency period of the 1950s-1960s,
* Mid-twentieth-century geopolitical realignments.
* The refugee characterization therefore appears to arise from later political narratives rather than archival foundation.
IX. *Conclusion*
A historically defensible conclusion grounded in archival evidence is as follows:
* Kukis were established hill polities prior to colonial consolidation.
* They possessed hereditary chieftainship and territorial jurisdiction.
* They resisted British conscription during the Anglo-Kuki War (1917–1919).
* The "porter import" claim contradicts documented military records.
* Parliamentary repatriation records concern administrative rehabilitation, not ethnic origin.
* The refugee label reflects post-independence political discourse rather than historical documentation.
* Distinguishing between archival record and political reinterpretation is essential for responsible scholarship on indigeneity
* and territorial claims in Northeast India.
___________________
The writer can be contacted (if needed) at E-mail; tshaokipwkzic@gmail.com.
Clarification: On Misattribution and Unwarranted Interference
With references to "Ukhrul Times Channel" regarding Prof. John Parrat and documentary referencing, this clarification is issued for all concerned as under.
That it has been confirmed through direct correspondence with Professor John Parratt in early April, 2025 that the in-text citation referencing him instead of S.N. Parratt (his wife) was an inadvertent oversight. The matter has been duly clarified and resolved with Professor Parratt's (himself) acknowledgment and corrections made instantly thereof.
However, it is so childish to observe with concern that certain "Kachha Individual", notably from outside the relevant academic and community context, have chosen to involve themselves in this matter. Such interference, particularly in sensitive issues of indigeneity and historical representation, is neither solicited nor within their legitimate authority.
We emphasize that matters of historical scholarship and indigenous identity require rigorous, responsible, and contextually informed discourse. Unwarranted meddling by SELF-APPOINTED ACTORS risks undermining academic integrity and community trust.
We remain committed to accurate referencing, respectful dialogue, and the preservation of factual historical narratives.
All parties are respectfully urged to refrain from intervening in matters beyond their designated role or expertise.
Thankyou Ukhrul Times for letting us know about it so as to issue this clarification and full text of the document attached herewith in the above, and link below;
# https://www.google.com/url?sa=t&source=web&rct=j&opi=89978449&url=https://www.khalvontawi.in/2025/04/the-khongjai-hills-expedition-1786-dr.html&ved=2ahUKEwjkhre-v9qSAxXzUGcHHeZtMX0QFnoECBgQAQ&usg=AOvVaw22Etxv3rFHqFCU23xMWJgv
#https://ukhrultimes.com/propaganda-wkzic-fictional-book-indigeneity/
Sd/-
(Lamthang Simte)
Department of Info & Public Relations (DIPR),
WKZIC-GHQ. 15/2/26.
SoO Revised Ground Rules
No. 1: Title
*Revised Ground Rules – Suspension of Operations (SoO) Agreement*
_Key Provisions and Political Intent_
*No. 2: Ground Rule 1* – Territorial Integrity
*Rule:* "The revised ground rules reiterate the territorial integrity of Manipur."
*Bullet Points (for slide):*
- Reaffirms that Manipur's boundaries remain unchanged.
- Prevents any separatist or territorial claims.
- Ensures all actions stay within India's constitutional framework.
*Note:*
- This clause is a political safeguard to reassure all stakeholders that the peace process will not lead to state division or creation of new territories. It's meant to build trust and prevent misinterpretation of the agreement.
*No. 3: Ground Rule 2* – Negotiated Solution
*Rule:* "The need for a negotiated solution to bring lasting peace and stability to the State of Manipur."
*Bullet Points (for slide):*
- Emphasizes dialogue over use of force.
- Aims for long-term peace by addressing root causes.
- Ties stability to Manipur's unity and integrity.
- Sets the stage for trust-building and cooperation.* *
*Note:*
- This rule signals a political commitment to resolve ethnic and political tensions through inclusive negotiations, ensuring that any solution is sustainable and respects the state's unity.
*No. 4: Ground Rule 3* – Operational Measures
*Rule:* "KNO and UPF have agreed to: relocate seven designated camps away from conflict-vulnerable areas; reduce the number of designated camps; relocate weapons from nearest CRPF/IRB camps; enforce stringent physical verification of cadres by Security Forces to de-list foreign nationals, if any."
*Bullet Points (for slide):*
- Relocate camps to reduce conflict risk.
- Reduce and consolidate camp numbers.
- Move weapons to secure locations (CRPF/IRB).
- Stringent verification of cadres, removing foreign elements.
*Note:*
- These actions are designed to physically separate militant groups from vulnerable populations, neutralize their operational capacity, and ensure that only legitimate, verified personnel remain in the camps. This strengthens security and demonstrates government resolve.
*No. 5: Summary* – Political Message
*Bullet Points (for slide):*
- Protects Manipur's unity and sovereignty.
- Prioritizes peaceful, negotiated solutions.
- Implements concrete steps for security and trust.
- Reinforces state and central authority within a constitutional framework.
*Note:*
- Together, these rules form a comprehensive peace framework: they protect the state's territorial status, commit to dialogue, and enforce practical measures to build lasting peace.
Lydia Chingbiaksiam Leads CISF Women Band Glory
"Some Are Born To March. Some Are Born To Lead The March".
From the quiet hills of Manipur to the thunder of applause on the national stage, Lady Constable Lydia Chingbiaksiam carries a story stitched with sacrifice, perseverance and #Pride. Joining the CISF in 2022, she became part of history with the formation of the CISF Women #Band in 2023—turning dreams into duty.
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At the 26th All India Police Band Competition-2025 (#aipbc), her baton spoke louder than words—earning her the Best Conductor award, as the #CISF #women #Band lifted the Overall #championship & First Prize. A moment where hard work met #honour and #service found its #rhythm.
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Her unwavering dedication, discipline and passion serve as a powerful inspiration to young women across the nation - showing that with courage, perseverance and belief, they too can rise, lead and bring honour to the country.
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CISF is continuously encouraging and nurturing talented youngsters, motivating them to pursue excellence and achieve expertise in their chosen and cherished domains. Through sustained support, guidance, and opportunities, the Force is committed to empowering youth to realize their full potential and contribute meaningfully to the nation.
#ShieldOfSecurity
#womeninuniform
#cisfwomenband
#NorthEastPride
#Manipur
NEW CM ALUIPA SANG KHOHSEDING
TSP Open Night Football Tournament Concludes with Grand Final & Closing Ceremony
Presidential Speech
2.Tua le tunitak TSP Complex Project tawh kisai fundraise in Open Night Football Tournament FINAL MATCH & Closing Ceremony Vaiguan ah
i) Chief Guest: Pu Chinlunthang, Hon'ble MLA 60-Singngat AC,
ii) Guest of Honour Pu Samuel Tongminlen Lhungdim, SDO Singngat,
iii) Functional President Pu Mung Khen Tuang, Social Worker leh
iv) Chief Host Pu MG Muanlal, Social Worker, amau teng teng ban ah
Special Invitees ah hung pang sak
i) Pu Suanlian, Proprietor Green Hills Resort,
ii) Thangkhal Tribe Organisation (TTO GHQ)
iii) Thangkhal Youth Organisation (TYO GHQ)
iv) Thangkha Literature Society (TLS)
v). Thangkhal khua hausa tuam tuam tuzan Vaiguan hung uap teng teng ban ah Final Match a kimawl diing Hidden Valley leh Pogba Gang, ban ah khuakim, khuapaam, leh mun tuam tuam apat tunitak program hung uap teng teng na un pi un TSP GHQ sik-le-taang in VAIDAWNNA Chibai ku'ng buk ahi.
3. Adiak in tunitak a azahtakhuai guest a hung pan sak teng teng in TSP te chialna, na hun manpha te uh tawh ngai khok tak a tuzan ka Vaiguan uh nu'ng uap ziak ua programme buching ahiman in ka KIPAKNA uh asaang diak hi
4. TSP in Sinlai te khualna liuliau ziak in TSP Complex project chih project/mission kanei ua, hih tawh kisai a fundraise ka bawl na uah Day 1 apat tunitan ah hung phungvuh teng teng tung ah kipakthu gen seeng louh ka gen ua, a ban ah hung phungvuh tou zeel di te tung ah zong kipakthu ka gen uhi.
TSP Complex Project tup-le-ngim bang ua, a lawhchin theih leh, a zaal zoudi Thangkhal te chauh ahikei diing a, ikiim ipam a teenpi tribe tuam tuam, khua leh veng tuan tuam te tawh zong a zaalzou khawm diing kahi uhi.
5. Tua leh hih tournament ah team participate 32 apha a, amaute teng teng zong TSP Complex Project phungvuh ahita ua, amaute teng teng tung ah zong kipakthu gen seeng louh ka gen uhi.
6. Ka tawpna diing in tunitak a Final Match hung ki mawlsak diing te Vaidawnna kung bawl sawn sawn a, dam dam a kimawl a, a zou te'n zawh dan siam a, a zoulou ten zong puakdan siam a, TSP te project phungvuhna a hung laksak diing in zong kung ngen sawn sawn ahi.
#Note: TSP GHQ in Sinlai Job aspirant te uh khualna in Coaching Institute tuam tuam te tawh kihoutuak in, TSP recommend na tawh concession hung na bawl sak zel ua, maban ah zong Thangkhal Sinlai job aspirant te khualna tawh Coaching Institute dang dang te houpih touh zeel a, Thangkhal Sinlaite hung concession na diing un kung bawl theih sun sun uh chi'n pan theih dan dan in kana pangtou zeel diing uhi.
Ka thugen hichiangtan in ka zou diing. Lungdam ing.
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| CHIEF GUEST: Pu Chinlunthang, Hon'ble MLA, 60-Singngat (ST) A/C |
![]() |
| GUEST OF HONOUR: Pu Samuel Tongminlen Lhungdim, SDO Singngat |
![]() |
| FUNCTIONAL PRESIDENT: Pu Mung Khen Tuang, Social Worker |
![]() |
| CHIEF HOST: Pu MG Muanlal Thangkhal |
For more Photos, click
ZYO Singngat Block in mishi vaidawnna nei
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