A Brief Analysis on Historical Understanding Between the Kuki National Army Burma (KNA-B), NSCN-K of Nagaland and NSCN-K of Myanmar: A New Chapter in Regional Politics
By:- Gary Thangboi & Dr. TS Haokip
Disclaimer:
This article is based on the mutual understanding between the Kuki and Naga people at large. Since the formation of the Kuki National Front (KNF) and the Kuki National Army (KNA) in 1988, there has been no significant misunderstanding between the Kuki and the Naga communities.In fact, in the state of Nagaland, Kukis are among the indigenous tribes, alongwith various Manmasi origin tribes in the state, participating in all the Socio-Spiritual-Political affairs in the state, before the advent of Colonial British Administrators in the Indian sub-continent. Pu Lengjang Kuki was among the signatories of Naga Political Memorandum in 1929, followed by the conglomerate 6 Naga Insurgent groups as NNPGs (Naga National Political Groups) that signed a memorandum of understanding (MoU) with KNO (Kuki National Organisation) in 2020.
Introduction
The Northeast region of India, with its rich diversity of ethnic groups and insurgent movements, has long been a battleground for political struggles aimed at self-determination and autonomy. Among the key players in this struggle are the Kuki people, who predominantly inhabited the hilly regions of Manipur, Nagaland, and Assam, and the Naga people, who primarily live in Nagaland and Myanmar's border regions. Historically, the relationship between the Kuki and Naga communities has been complex, shaped by cooperation mostly and sometimes intra-conflict with minor local issues. However, contrary to popular belief, much of the violence attributed to a "Manipuri Naga-Kuki clash" was not the result of animosity between the two communities but instead stemmed from the territorial and political ambitions of particular factions, especially the NSCN IM, and the forceful domination of Kuki areas (Khongjai Hills, 1741-42 later Kuki Hills, 1852-1949) of 1907 British Mombi Area, Chassad Area and Jampi Area, bearing Map Nos. SA/1/2020/385, Lib/R138/S1/13, Lib/R138/S1/12, and Lib/R138/S1/63 respectively, at the National Archives, **, Assam, India by certain groups, particularly by a Tangkhul.
In the wake of recent developments, there has been a growing historical understanding between the Kuki National Army Burma (KNA B) and the NSCN-K factions from Nagaland and Myanmar, which marks a significant shift in the political and military dynamics of the region. This article will explore the historical context behind this understanding, the history of the proper Kuki-Naga relationship, and the role of the NSCN IM, and the current cooperation between the Kuki and proper Naga insurgent groups in the region.
Historical Context: The Myth of the Naga-Kuki Clash: A Misnomer
The widely used narrative of the "Naga-Kuki clash" is not Kuki-Naga but "Manipuri Naga-Kuki Conflict" which has often been used to describe the violent conflict that erupted in the 1990s, particularly the 1993 clashes in Outer Manipur. However, this portrayal is misleading and overlooks the complex dynamics that actually fueled the violence. The so-called "Naga-Kuki clash" was never a "Naga-Kuki conflict", between the Kuki and Naga communities at large. Instead, it was largely driven by the territorial ambitions and militaristic actions of the NSCN IM, particularly the Tangkhul faction, which sought to dominate Kuki-dominated areas, especially in regions where the Tangkhuls had a historical presence.
Historically, the Kuki and Naga peoples coexisted peacefully for much of their history, with no significant conflict between the two groups. The tension that led to the 1990s violence emerged when the NSCN IM, under the leadership of Thuingaleng Muivah, a Tangkhul, attempted to expand its control over Kuki territories. This encroachment led to violent clashes between the Kuki National Army Burma (KNA B) and the NSCN IM, as Kuki villages faced forceful attempts at dominion and territorial annexation by the Tangkhul insurgent group.
The violence was not an ethnic conflict between the Kuki and Naga communities but a result of the NSCN IM’s aggressive expansionist agenda. The Kuki people, in response to the increasing pressure from the NSCN IM, formed the KNA B to protect their villages and preserve their autonomy. The KNA B's resistance was focused not on the Naga people as a whole but on the militaristic and territorial expansion of the NSCN IM faction, particularly in areas traditionally inhabited by the Kuki people since time immemorial.
In the aftermath of the conflict, it became increasingly clear that the so-called "Naga-Kuki clash" was a mischaracterization of the real issue: a political and territorial struggle driven by the NSCN IM’s ambitions. Both Kuki and proper Naga leaders began to acknowledge that there was no inherent hostility between the two communities. Instead, the violence was a direct consequence of the aggressive political and territorial expansion strategies of the NSCN IM.
Accordingly in 2020, the National Naga Political Groups, (NNPGs) and the Kuki National Organisation (KNO) have signed an MoU to work together for mutual understanding, co-operation and peaceful co-existence by the two groups, jointly signed by N. Kitovi Zhimomi, Convenor, WC, NNPGs and PS Haokip, President of KNO on the 10th January 2020.
The Blood Line Historical Understanding: KNA B and NSCN-K
Despite the violence that occurred in the 1990s in Manipur, there has been a significant effort to foster a historical understanding between the Kuki and Naga people in Nagaland, as KUKI itself in Nagaland is one indigenous Naga tribe in the state, having blood connection with Konyak, Pochury, Zeliangrong, Heimi (Khaplang), Makury, Phom, Yimchunger, Khiamnungan, Chang and Sangtam tribes as Manmasi origins, apart from Karbis, Kachins and others. Most of these tribes from Nagaland have participated in the 'BROTHERHOOD CHAVANG KUT 2015' celebration at Tuibong, Churachandpur/ Songpi, Zalengam (Kuki Hills). On the blood line, especially the NSCN-K (belonging to the Heimi tribe) and the Kuki National Army Burma (KNA B) and other NSCN-K factions have been cordial. This understanding aims to clarify that the so-called "Naga-Kuki clash" was never a clash between two ethnic groups but rather a conflict fueled by territorial expansionism and political struggles of NSCN-IM.
The historical understanding between the KNA B and the NSCN-K of Nagaland and Myanmar is rooted in several key points:
1. Rejection of the "Naga-Kuki Clash" Narrative: The first and most crucial point of the historical understanding is the explicit rejection of the narrative that frames the conflict as a clash between the Kuki and Naga people. Both the KNA B and the NSCN-K acknowledge that there has never been a broad-based, community-wide clash between Kuki and Naga peoples. Instead, the violence in Manipur during the 1990s was primarily the result of political maneuvering and territorial control by specific factions like the NSCN IM, particularly the Tangkhul Naga group.
2. Shared Historical Peace: Both the Kuki and Naga communities have recognized that, historically, the two groups coexisted peacefully in the region since time immemorial. This recognition forms the basis of the historical understanding that the violence of the 1990s in Manipur was an aberration from NSCN-IM, rather than a reflection of deep-rooted ethnic animosity between Nagas and Kukis.
3. Cooperation in Myanmar's Border Regions:In Myanmar, where both Kuki and Naga people resided in close proximity, the two communities continued to cooperate, particularly in border regions. Despite the historical challenges, Kuki and Naga groups in Myanmar work together to protect their communities from external threats, including the Burmese military and other insurgent factions. This ongoing cooperation reflects the shared interests and mutual respect between the Kuki and Naga peoples, further dispelling the idea of a deep-seated enmity between them.
4. Territorial Struggles and Political Ambitions:Both the KNA B and the NSCN-K acknowledged that the violence and political struggles in the region have been mainly about territorial control and political dominance, particularly by factions like the NSCN IM. The understanding between the KNA B and the NSCN-K reflects a shared recognition of the importance of safeguarding their respective territories and the need to protect their autonomy in the face of external forces and pressures.
The Role of NSCN IM and Meitei Collaboration
In recent years, another important dynamic has emerged in the region: the alliance between the NSCN IM and Meitei insurgents, particularly in Myanmar. As the NSCN IM has shifted its focus towards collaborating with Meitei militant groups, including the United National Liberation Front (UNLF), it has caused concern among the Kuki National Army Burma (KNA B) and other groups in the region. This alignment between the NSCN IM and Meitei militants has raised the stakes for the KNA B, as it now faces not only the NSCN IM but also the threat of a coordinated effort between these groups and the Burmese junta.
The NSCN IM's collaboration with Meitei militants has intensified in Myanmar, where both factions have received support from the Myanmar military junta. This alliance has created a new front of hostilities against the KNA B, particularly as the Meitei militants and NSCN IM have focused on destabilizing the Kuki forces operating in Myanmar. The collaboration between the NSCN IM, Meitei militants, and the Burmese junta has raised concerns about the long-term implications for the Kuki people in both India and Myanmar.
Kuki-Naga Cooperation in Myanmar
Despite the increasing challenges posed by the NSCN IM and its alliances with other insurgent groups, the Kuki and Naga communities in Myanmar continued to work closely together. This cooperation has remained strong, particularly in the border areas, where both groups face similar challenges from the Burmese military and other insurgent factions. The shared history and mutual interests of the Kuki and Naga people in Myanmar have fostered an environment where collaboration is key to ensuring their survival and political autonomy.
The Kuki National Army Burma (KNA B) and the NSCN-K have built a cooperative framework for mutual support, particularly in securing their respective territories and resisting external forces. Both groups recognized the need to maintain their alliances in the face of the growing threat from the NSCN IM-Meitei military collaboration, as well as the Burmese military junta. This continued cooperation in Myanmar underscores the evolving nature of the Kuki-Naga relationship and the importance of unity in the face of external challenges.
Conclusion
The historical understanding between the Kuki National Army Burma (KNA B) and the NSCN-K factions of Nagaland and Myanmar represents a significant shift in the political and military dynamics of Northeast India and Myanmar. This understanding rejects the myth of the "Naga-Kuki clash" and clarifies that the violence in the 1990s must be termed as "Manipuri Naga- Kuki Conflict" driven by territorial ambitions and political struggles, particularly by the expansionist agenda of the NSCN IM.
The growing cooperation between the Kuki and Naga communities, especially in Myanmar, offers a hopeful sign for the future of the region. While the alliance between the NSCN IM and Meitei militants remains a significant challenge, the historical understanding and cooperation between the KNA B and NSCN-K provide a counterbalance, fostering peace and mutual respect among the Kuki and Naga peoples. As the region continues to navigate its complex political landscape, the importance of cooperation and understanding between ethnic groups cannot be overstated. This shared commitment to autonomy, territorial integrity, and peace offers the possibility of a more stable and cooperative future for both the Kuki and Naga people in Northeast India and Myanmar.
Both KNA-B and NSCN-K must not forget that Pu LENGJANG KUKI, Interpreter was one among twenty (20) signatories of the first 'Political Memorandum' for NAGA SELF DETERMINATION, submitted to the British Statutory Commission on January 10, 1929 and that of "NNGPs-KNO Memorandum of Understanding (MoU)" of January 10, 2020, and co-operate with mutual love and respect and peaceful co-existence wherever they are.
TAHCHAPA- KUKNALIM
Dated: Songpi, Kuki Hills, The 16th March 2025.
Courtesy: World Kuki Zo Intellectual Council (WKZIC)
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