Monday, July 15, 2013

Linguistic characteristics of oral literature in Thadou Kuki

By M.S. Thirumalai  
 Linguistic Characteristics of Oral Literature in Thadou Kuki: A Tibeto-Burman Pre-Literature Language

1. Thadou Speech: Oral literatures of preliterate Tibeo-Burman communities have not been extensively studied for their literary form, content and linguistic features. The Kuki-Chin languages of the Tibeto-Burman family are no exception to this condition.

Thadou, a Kuki-Chin language, is spoken mainly in Manipur Hills, although a sizeable population speaking Thadou and closely related speech varieties is found in adjoining states of Assam, Nagaland, Mizoram, parts of Meghalaya and Arunachal Pradesh, and across the Indo-Myanmar border.

The earliest article on Thadou was published in 1800s by Stewart, who was a lieutenant in the British India Army.
Other important works include T. C. Hodson's Thado Grammar (1906), Notes on Thado Kukis by William Shaw (1929), J. Shakespeare's Lushai Kuki Clans (1912), Thadou Phonetic Reader by Thirumalai (1971), and Shree Kishan's Thadou, a Grammatical Sketch (1980). Some significant research contributions in recent years have been made by the native speakers themselves. The Structure of the Thadou Society by T. S. Gangte, for instance, is a good compendium of much needed information to understand the social structure of the peoples speaking the Thadou language.

Shaw's presentation on the ethnographic description of Thadous and related peoples have been questioned by the people speaking the same language (Thadou) but not belonging to the Thadou tribe proper. Certain unfortunate remarks by Shaw in his book led to physical skirmishes. The 1917 Thadou Rebellion or the Kuki Rebellion against the Britishers is a special and siginificant event in the history of the Indian freedom movement. In any reckoning the groups of people speaking Thadou, Thadou Kuki, or simply Kuki is an important segment within Manipur.

The name of the language THADOU itself is a bone of contention, one section insisting upon the name, Thadou, and another insisting upon the appellation Kuki. Fortunately, there appears to be a general trend to accept THADOU KUKI as the name for the language. I argued for the adoption of this term in 1960s in some of my unpublished articles circulated among the then leaders of the people groups as a compromise. Thadou is written in Roman for about eighty years but it is still plagued by a number of problems relating to spelling standardization, lexical choice, etc. Some folk poems and folktales have been published in stray Thaadou magazines. Neither a comprehensive collection of oral literature in writing nor an analysis of the same is available.

2. Oral Literature in Thadou Kuki: Oral literature in Thaadou may be broadly classified into two groups, namely, ritual and non-ritual. Oral literature employed for ritual purposes is restricted to recitation for ritualistic purposes by only a limited number of people-native priests or shamans, and is known only to them. As most Thadous and people belonging to related tribes have accepted Christianity as their faith, the number of native priests or shamans has come down drastically in the last few decades.

Ritual oral Thadou literature is fast becoming extinct. Even thirty years ago, it was not comprehended by others and required interpretation by the priests. It was recited and not narrated. It was sung without one being able to identify the words and the syllables, with a fixed rhythm. But for the interpretations given, one would be tempted to treat this variety only as a secret code and not as a part of oral literature.

3. Non-Ritual Oral Literature: Non-ritual oral literature in Thaadou, on the other hand, consists of two subcategories. To the first category belong those folk poems and folk tales in a language not fully comprehended and which require interpretation. The pieces of this subcategory are known to many people, people of older generation, but even for them complete comprehension of these is not possible. Vocabulary items not in use and not interpretable even on the basis of context abound in such pieces.

Of this category, poetry forms the majority. In the second category, we have both poetry and folktales, comprehended and enjoyed by all. The second category of the non-ritualistic oral literature is thus open ended. In terms of comprehensibility, there appears to be a continuation between the ritual and the first category of the non-ritual oral literature. The ritual oral literature does not lend itself for parsing, phonological analysis or any type of linguistic analysis on the basis of linguistic structures.

The first sub-category within the non-ritual oral literature is comprehended largely and can be analyzed into various levels by language with some difficulty. However, there are also elements for which no meaning or explicit function could be found. The second sub-category of non-ritualistic oral literature is accessible to all and lends itself to linguistic analysis. This category may further be divided into narrative poetry and narrative prose. Fieldwork experience reveals that in comparison, narrative prose pieces are more in number.

4. To Explain the Differences: Thus there are delivery differences between the non-ritual and ritual categories of oral literature. These differences must be ascribed to the communicative intent of the pieces concerned. The pieces of ritualistic oral literature, as already pointed out, do not lend themselves to a linguistic structural analysis. It is difficult to decide whether there is any level or unit at all on which these pieces are built. If there are any units or levels, these may have to be found in the context of recitation, the emotional status, and the priests' perception of the condition of the listeners, and not in the "utterances" themselves.

5. Narration in Prose and Poetry: Tales in Serial Form: As in the other cultures, a clear and distinct pattern is seen in the recitation/singing of poetry pieces in comparison to the narration in prose. Narration in prose closely follows the general patterns found in day-to-day conversation, with certain structural devices marking the art form status of the pieces narrated (discussed below). The non-ritual narrative poetry and narrative prose may be further classified into various types, in particular into serials and non-serials. There appears to be continuity in stories narrated.

A large number of stories carry the same characters. The continuity is marked also by the manner in which the character is first introduced and the appellations added to the character. Even where no explicit story content or character connection is established, an impression may be created that the story being narrated is a continuing story, through abrupt introduction, or through some reference to another story, which upon inquiry will be found not at all linked to this story by any character, content or plot, etc. The function of assuming continuity in stories narrated where there is actually no clear connection is still a problem to be solved.

While many narrative pieces are of a serialized variety, there are others which clearly belong to the non-serial type. Both the varieties share common linguistic features (discussed below). The non-serialized variety also contains stories from other linguistic groups such as Meitheis and Nagas. Thus one is tempted to suggest the feature inclusion/non inclusion in the serials as a variable for finding whether the story in question is truly a Thadou or pre-literate Kuki-Chin story or a story adopted from non-preliterate Kuki-Chin communities in the same region.

6. Discourse Features: We shall now look into the discourse features: linguistic, formal and context. We shall focus our attention on the structural features, both linguistic and content that mark the beginning, further progression, end, and continuity (leading on to another episode).

1.  While many narratives do not have masayla:ijin "Long ago" as the beginning of the narration, the first sentence must have xat "one" in phrases such as nuva? xat "one girl," leypaaxat "one King" (there was a girl, there was a king, etc.).

2.Of the various types of sentences in Thadou, the narration prefers the -ahi ending type. This is a copula-like structure for statement, used in preference to the declarative type. The declarative type is easily converted into a copula-like structure with the addition of link morphs -in to -ahi, thus making a large chunk of the narration into a single sentence. The sentence ending in -ahi becomes ahin to indicate that the sentence is not complete yet, or it is a complex/compound type.

3. Other sentence-linking morphs (conjunctive markers) are also employed to make a narration appear thoroughly connected as if the narration consists of only a few sentences. This feature is noticed also in day-to-day conversations, but is resorted to under certain narrative conditions more often.

4. The choice of the title for the narration may be based on one of the characters, or on the moral of the story, or on one of the events. In some narratives, the character or the event, supposedly using which a title to the narrative is given, may not even be found in that particular narration. The title may have no direct or continued bearing on what is being narrated. Even the moral may not be seen in the narration. And yet the title is retained because such narrations are part of the serial and the character, event or moral is likely to be elaborated somewhere in the serialized structure. These processes are yet to be studied in depth.

5.That a folktale is part of a series, or it may be an end in itself, is revealed through two devices-one device is that the tale starts with some reference, the relevance of which is not readily traceable in the current tale; another device is purely linguistic. With anaphoric references, the narration commences. Abrupt ending of the story or an indication of some movement (of the characters from one place to another or from one activity to another) at the end may also indicate that the story is from a series.

6.Except in a few cases wherein mysterious elements are involved, the sequential organization of sentences and the events narrated correspond to one another. For bringing in magical effect or, perhaps due to taboo, (in cases such as transformation from one form of body to another), events are not narrated; resultant change is obliquely referred to through some descriptive phrase and the story further proceeds. This descriptive phrase is generally a metaphor.

7.Except for the narrative pieces falling under the category of 6, narration is generally straight forward-straight forward in the sense that the sequential organization of sentences matches the sequential organization of events in the external word.

8.While the sequential organization of sentences matches the sequential unfolding of events in the external word, the Thadou folktales occasionally present foregrounding as their chief characteristic. This foregrounding is generally carried out through descriptive phrases.

9.Most of the folktales are short, running to not more than fifty printed lines. This does not, however, mean that the sequences narrated are few. There is a quick succession of events, many a time forcing the characters to assume different forms, to visit different worlds and to experience a serious obstacle. The shortness of the tale is related to the linguistic facility in the structure, which enables linking to or fusing together of many sentences into one. There is also a general tendency towards brevity based on the practice to bring together compact descriptive phrases. This may also be related to monosyllabic word structure with no elaborated grammatical differences at the formal level.

10.The relationship between foregrounding in one episode and the content in another episode, is one of the major devices that is exploited to establish the continuity of the folktales narrated.

11.In the narrative poetry, love and death relating to fulfillment of love appear to be the dominant theme. Little white and yellow orchid flowers come to be compared with the slenderness of the girl, for whose beauty and hand, the young man yearns. While in the narrative prose also love episodes are abundant, the prose pieces-the folk tales-abound in a variety of characters, both earthly and supernatural. The stepmother, the widow, the widower, the tiger-man, the passage from the earth to moon, the tall ever-growing creeper touching the skies and leading to the other world, the life under the ground (under the earth) and efforts to go over ground, the metamorphosis of characters into other forms and incarnations, the rectitude, cunning and clever animals, the cunning and cleverness of individuals and a whole series of Benglam stories-all present a very complex world of Thadous.

7. Themes: Except for lexical cohesion, the themes do not apparently lead to differences in style of language and presentation. This investigator is not a native speaker of Thadou and hence his assumption in this regard requires further proof. Sentence length, types of sentences, folktale length, remain more or less the same in different themes. The conquest of audience, however, could be different. The recorded folktales available with the investigator were recorded without reference to any one particular audience. Perhaps a real audience would have brought out the differences in style.

8. Relationship Between Thadou Folklore and Folklore of Other Kuki-Chin Languages: We shall now look into the relationship between Thadou folklore and the folklore of other Kuki-Chin communities, and see how internal sub-grouping of Kuki-Chin languages is corroborated also by folklore. Manipuri/Meithei and Lushai/Mizo are populous languages of the Kuki-Chin group. Manipuri/Meithei has a written history of its own for many centuries, whereas the other languages of the Kuki-Chin family have a comparatively recent introduction to writing.

The settled conditions of the Meithei society and the mobile jhum-cultivating population of the other Kuki-Chin languages present development in different directions. While Lushai/Mizo, Thaadou, Hmar, Paite, etc., the languages of the Kuki-Chin group, share among themselves many folktales, characters, and themes and these are also sung or received or narrated in the same rhythmic manner, Manipuri/Methei, the largest community settled in the Manipur valley with a history dating back to at least one thousand years or more, presents a distinct appearance. There is not much of an impact of Methei folklore on the core of the folklore of other Kuki Chin languages.

This diversion is reflected also on the phonological and grammatical structures of the Methei/Manipuri vis-a-vis Kuki-Chin preliterate languages. The internal sub-grouping of Kuki Chin that Methei/Manipuri on the one hand and pre-literate languages on the other hand may be corroborated at the folklore level also. Secondly, a cursory comparative study of the phonologies of Kuki-Chin languages reveals some interesting phonological variables which can help us to group these languages more or less decidedly into several subgroups. One such variable is the plus or minus trill phonological segment.

The minus trill feature neatly brings Thadou, Paite, Vaiphei, Gangte, Teddim Chin, Zoute and Simte under a single subgroup. This classification based on a purely linguistic variable is supported one hundred per cent by the folklore materials. Thus, Thadou Kuki has a large number of folktales of non-religious type revolving around a single, humorous and unique personality called Benglam. He is clownish, generally foolish and at times extra ordinarily brilliant. Even the mention of his name to a Thaadou will provoke him into laughter. This humorous character is called Penglam in Paite, Teddim Chin and Simte; he is called Benglam in Vaiphei, Gangte and Zoute.

There is no necessity for us to be misled by the identity of the usage of the name only. If we go still further collecting Benglam stories in all these languages are more or less identical. The non-Benglam and plus trill feature subgroup of languages such as Hmar and Lushai do not mention the name of Benglam at all and the seemingly identical stories (of Benglam type) in these languages vary very much in their content. Thus this additional support from the folklore materials confirms the linguistic classification in a general way.

(Courtesy: www.kukiforum.com)

KSO condemns on the killings of KLA leader and his minor daughter

IMPHAL, July 15, 2013 [TSE/NNN] : The Kuki Students' Organisation, General Headquarters (KSO-GHQ) has vehemently condemned the July 13 Champhai incident in which a Saikul bound vehicle of the Kuki Liberation Army (KLA) Home Secretary and his family members were heavily attacked by unknown assailants resulting in the instant death of Mr Seikhohao Khongsai alias Marwin, the Home Secretary of KLA and the subsequent death of his daughter Zoukim Khongsai who succumbed to her bullet injury later on July 14 at Shija Hospital in Imphal while causing serious injuries to two of the family members.

The KSO said it condemns in the strongest term whosoever may be the assailants, the enmity they have with the deceased KLA functionary is not much a matter of concern.

"However, indiscriminately firing upon civilians, women and children just to terminate their subject is of great concern to the student organization. Such barbaric and inhuman act of the assailants has no place in today's civilized world. It is a universal conventional practice that in every arm forces group engaged in combat whether state or non-state actor civilian safety is always set the top most priority," the Kuki students' body said.

It then added, "As a matter of fact, if they were a true revolutionary group they could have chosen for another suitable day seeing the innocent family members boarding the same vehicle with the subject in order to avoid the lost of innocent life of a little girl and casualties to other family members. If this unfortunate incident happens to be a factional fight amongst the armed groups, the KSO earnestly appeals to all the Kuki underground groups notwithstanding to their different political ideologies or demands to shun violence henceforth.

The civil organizations, the public and the Kuki populace have witnessed enough bloodshed amongst the brothers in arms and in between many innocent civilian lives had also gone in vain since the inception of Kuki revolutionary groups".

The KSO then appeals to the persons/group involved to clarify the reasons behind their act in public interest and urges not to repeat such acts in the future.

Kuki outfit’s little daughter shot dead in attack


IMPHAL, Jul 15, 2013 [TSE]: Slain KLO/KLA home secretary Seikhohao Khongsai's daughter, who suffered a bullet wound in on July 13's attack, has succumbed to her injury.

Two years and six month old Hoijoukim Khongsai reportedly passed away at around 1 am yesterday at Shija Hospitals and Research Institute.

With a fatal bullet wound at her abdomen area Hoijoukim was undergoing treatment at the private medical centre since evening on July 13.

While Seikhohao alias Marvin (33) died on the spot following an attack by unknown persons near Champhai village on the Imphal-Saikul road at around 3.30 pm on Saturday, Seikhohao's daughter, his nephew Paominlien (5) and the driver Alen Khongsai (24) were also wounded in the assault.

Seikhohao's wife namely Nenei, however escaped unscathed.

They were heading for Saikul in a Hyundai Verna car when the incident occurred.

The KLO/KLA secretary also left behind three other daughters.

After completion of post mortem procedures at JNIMS morgue yesterday bodies of the father-daughter duo were taken to their native village in Saikul for the last rites.

A large number of people, including family members and relatives of victims gathered at JNIMS morgue to pay their last respect and accompany the bodies to Saikul.

Apart from Saikul AC MLA Yamthong Haokip, ADC members and representatives of Kuki Inpi Manipur, Kuki Students' Organisation and Kuki State Demand Committee were also present at JNIMS complex.

When approached by media persons an inconsolable Nenei said she will accept the double tragedy as the will of the almighty, upon whom she also believed that justice will ultimately prevail.

The disheartened wife and mother also informed that neither has any organisation claimed responsibility for the murderous attack nor has the KLO/KLA commented on the incident. 

Thursday, July 11, 2013

KSDC to resume blockade if government remains insincere

Lamka, July 11, 2013: “The historical facts and legitimate political rights and aspirations of the Kukis for appropriate self-determination under the Constitution of India in the ancestral lands, which our forefathers protected from the colonialists, will continue until our objective is achieved,” said S George Guite, Secretary, Information and publicity, Kuki State Demand Committee (KSDC).

 

In a press statement, KSDC stated that the Kuki people never encroach nor demand any lands or territories of others, but want to the artificial political boundaries to be redrawn, which was earlier appended to Manipur without the consent of the landowners - Kukis.

 

It further added the Kukis neither signed an agreement with Government of India nor the Government of Manipur for the integration or disintegration of Manipur. The Kuki State Demand Committee has been pressurizing the Govt of India and Govt of Manipur to hold dialogue with the Kuki UGs, as Suspension of Operations was signed in 2008 to raise the vexed Kuki political issue.

 

“If dialogue was not the purpose, why did the Government sign SoO with Kuki UGS? Or, is it the planned agenda of the Government to ‘give up’ on the hard-earned peace achieved in Kuki areas following signing the peace pact (SoO) in 2008?” KSDC asked. “The KSDC and the Kuki people will continue our non-violent struggle for political self-determination under the Indian Constitution, which is our democratic right”.

 

The KSDC appreciates the mass support during the 36-hr General Strike and 48-hr Economic Blockade in all the Kuki dominated areas of present-day Manipur and along all the National Highways which passes through Kuki areas viz. Imphal-Kangpokpi-Dimapur-Guwahati Road, Imphal-Jiribam-Silchar Road, Imphal-Churachandpur-Aizawl Road, Imphal-Ukhrul Road, Imphal-Tengnoupal-Moreh Road, Imphal-Saikul Road, and Imphal-Loktak-Leimatak Road.

 

The Kukis have no future in the present-day state Manipur. There is no security of life and liberty, e.g. the Kuki genocide of the 1990s perpetrated by NSCN (IM), planting landmines in Kuki areas by Valley based Insurgent Groups, which killed and maimed many innocent Kuki villagers, the mass raping of Kuki women in the 2000s at Parbung, lack of development, and deprivation of the Kukis’ political rights by the state Government in the affairs of local governance, i.e. the village by enacting different Acts through the state administrative mechanism, which is against the rights guaranteed  by the Constitution to the tribals (Kukis).The Kukis want full protection by the Constitution of India in the form of Kuki State; nothing more, nothing less!

 

The statement of some politicians of the state intimidating the people’s movement will never cow down the aspirations of the Kukis for self-determination. Rather, such taunts will only stoke the passions of the people who know their legitimate rights. The sacrificial minds of the people, who came out on the streets in support of the general strike is testimony of commitment to the cause of self-determination. Rather than engage in mudslinging, it is a bounden duty of a responsible Government to expedite the process for political dialogue with SoO groups and address the Kuki political issue.

 

KSDC further says Suspension of Operations was signed to create an atmosphere conducive for political dialogue. “It is high time on the part of the Government to translate their written assurance to the Kuki people and begin dialogue. It will resume blockade if government remains insincere”, KSDC warned.

Religious blame game will not solve sectarian violence plaguing Myanmar

By Nehginpao Kipgen

In recent years, the world has witnessed countries that have been plagued by religious tension and sectarian violence, and Myanmar is no exception.

TIME, an American weekly news magazine, recently portrayed Wirathu, a Myanmar Buddhist monk, as “The Face of Buddhist Terror” in its July 1, 2013 international edition. The story has triggered mixed responses, including condemnation from the Myanmar government.

Online campaigns were launched to denounce the magazine for allegedly portraying Buddhism with terror, which garnered the support of thousands of people, just in a few days of the publication.

The article became so controversial and sensitive that the Myanmar government banned the magazine. Ye Htut, spokesperson for President Thein Sein, announced on June 25 that the magazine “would not be sold and distributed to prevent the recurrence of racial and religious conflict.”

The magazine defended its story and said “TIME's international cover story ... shows the presence in Myanmar of an extremist movement that associates itself with Buddhism. TIME is pleased by the debate and discussion this important piece has raised.”

While the Myanmar government condemned the article, Wirathu said the magazine is not against Buddhism but him. He accuses the Muslim extremists of attempting to strip him of his monkhood.

Wirathu's name has been associated with radical ideologies for some time now. Since 2001, he has warned Muslims of taking over Myanmar. He was jailed in 2003 for his radical sermons but released in 2012 as part of a general amnesty.

Wirathu has continued his anti-Muslim rhetoric since his release. He is part of the “969” nationalist movement of monks who warn about minority Muslims threatening racial purity and national security. The campaign encourages Buddhists not to do business with Muslims and only support fellow Buddhist shops.

Wirathu also proposes an inter-religious marriage law which specifies that anyone who marries a Buddhist woman must convert to Buddhism. The draft, if becomes a law, will require any Buddhist woman seeking to marry a Muslim man to first obtain permission from her parents and local officials. Those who fail to comply could face up to 10 years in prison and have their property confiscated.

The government's position is that it will not take action against Wirathu for his alleged hate speeches toward the Muslim community for the reason that no complaint has been made from any individual or organization to the Sangha Maha Nayaka, an organization responsible for reviewing the speeches or sermons of monks.

In light of this evolving story, what needs to be done in the larger interest of Myanmar people? First of all, it must be understood that Myanmar experienced religious-related violence in 2012 and earlier this year.

The violence between Buddhists and Muslims has led to the death of at least 200 people, by official account, since violence started in 2012, and has displaced tens of thousands of people from both religious groups.

There needs to be short-term and long-term policies to address the lingering problem between the two communities. The immediate measure should be for the government to contain and control any imminent danger, especially from within radical elements.

This should include taking legal actions on any individual or organization that engages in activities that can incite violence toward other religious groups. The government also needs to put in place a transparent judicial review process by adhering to the principle of equal treatment.

Though freedom of expression should be encouraged, statements hurting the sentiments of other religious groups need to be checked. Similarly, religious freedom needs to be exercised, while simultaneously showing respect for other faiths.

While the short-term strategy should aim to address the pressing needs, the government must also lay out a concrete policy and program to address the legal status of the Rohingya (Bengali) Muslim population. Individuals who are eligible under the 1982 citizenship law must be granted full citizenship rights like any other groups in the country.

For those who are not eligible under the 1982 citizenship law, the government must find other viable alternative solutions. This could be explored either through a bilateral engagement with neighboring Bangladesh, where the Myanmar government says the Bengalis illegally migrated from, or with assistance from the United Nations.

Other remedial policies should include gradual improvement of relations between Rohingya Muslims and Rakhine Buddhists, and also with the people of Myanmar in general. Given the historical uniqueness of the Rohingyas, reconciliation and political integration can be a great challenge.

A reconciliation program will have a chance to succeed when Buddhists and Muslims are willing to compromise on their differences by respecting each other's identity and culture. More importantly, the Myanmar government and the general public must be ready to embrace the Muslims, especially the Rohingyas, if any genuine reconciliation is to be realized.

A blame game will not solve the lingering problem. Such practice can possibly aggravate the simmering situation. The government must pay serious attention to the crux of the problem and embark on an inclusive reconciliation program.

The international community should extend the necessary support to the Myanmar government to address this delicate issue, but not by pitting one community against another. Failure to address religious and ethnic conflicts in the country can hinder, if not derail, the democratic transition.

Nehginpao Kipgen is general secretary of the U.S.-based Kuki International Forum. He has written numerous academic (peer-reviewed) and nonacademic analytical articles on the politics of Burma and Asia that have been widely published internationally.

*via email.

NEHU Bachelor of Arts (Honours) EXAM - 2013 FINAL RESULT

July 10, 2013:  Tuni a NEHU BA 3rd Year Final Exam-2013 Result suak ah Ei singtangmiten Subject tuamtuam 5 ah Position ngah.

SOCIOLOGY Subject:
1st Position: CHRISTOPHER Z NEIHSIAL of ST. EDMUND'S COLLEGE, SHILLONG with 65%(520) marks.

3rd Position: ASHLEY LHAINEIPHAL of WOMEN'S COLLEGE, SHILLONG with 64.13%(513) marks.

5th Position: S THONGMINTHANG BAITE of ST. EDMUND'S COLLEGE, SHILLONG with 63.63%(509) marks.

7th Position: SEIBOY KHONGSAI of RAID LABAN COLLEGE, SHILLONG with 63.38%(507) marks. 

ECONOMICS Subject:
2nd Position: KIMNEITHEM KIPGEN of ST. ANTHONY'S COLLEGE, SHILLONG with 63%(504) marks.

PHILOSOPHY Subjects:
3rd Position: ANDREW R LALRINCHANA of ST. ANTHONY'S COLLEGE, SHILLONG with 63.38%(507) marks.

GEOGRAPHY Subject:
6th Position: NICHOLAS V L NGHAKA of ST. EDMUND'S COLLEGE, SHILLONG with 60%(480) marks.

POLITICAL SCIENCE Subject:
7th Position: LALPITHANG LHOUVUM of SANKARDEV COLLEGE, SHILLONG and
GEORGE LALROCHAMA of ST. ANTHONY'S COLLEGE, SHILLONG with 60%(480) marks.

Tuesday, July 9, 2013

Zomis around the World Protest against Mining in Chin State

ZOMIS WORLDWIDE have strongly opposed the Mwetaung Nickel Project in Chin State, Myanmar. On 9th July 2013, around 500 Zomis gathered in New Delhi, India, to protest against the project, which was organised by Zomi Inkuan (Zomi Community) Delhi. The protestors condemned the Myanmar military-backed Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings and North Mining Investment Company Ltd for attempting to exploit their ancestral land without their permission.

During the protest, Zomi demonstrators held placards and chanted slogans such as “Gullu Mual Nickel Project – Stop! Stop!”, “Mwetaung Si-mankengh – Chiahchin zat! Chiahchin zat!” (in Burmese), “Myanmar Neo-Colonialism Down Down”, “Chinese Imperialism Down Down”, “Zomi, Zomi Rise Up, Rise Up”, and “Zogam, Zogam Stand Up, Stand Up” as they marched along Jantar Mantar road in New Delhi.

Mr. Neng Za Dong, Secretary of ZID, led the march, while Rev. Nang Suan Lian opened with a prayer. The protesters also sang “Zogam Lapi” (the Zomi anthem) to express solidarity with the Zomis who have long suffered from religious persecution, economic exploitation, and political exclusion in Myanmar. A statement of protest was read out in Zomi by Rev. TK Lian, in Burmese by Ms. Cing San Lun, and in English by Mr. Khai Bawi, President of ZID.

Gullu Mual (“Gullu” means Snakehead and “Mual” means Mountain) is located near Dimzang, a Zomi village east of Tedim in Chin State, about 15 km from Kalemyo in Sagaing division and 69 km from Tedim. Myanmar first explored the Mwetaung project in 1964-65. In 2005, China and Myanmar signed an agreement allowing nickel exploration in northwestern Myanmar’s Mwetaung region, where Chin State and Sagaing division meet. That same year, Gullu Mual was secretly sold to a Chinese company.

A Zomi activist in Yangon, Mr. Lian Tuang, stated: “Gullu Mual is 8 km long, 2 km wide, and 3,000 feet above sea level. The mountain is home to 14 villages, with a population of over 12,000. Around 70,000 acres of farmland will eventually be affected, and these fields supply food to cities in the mainland.”

To gain approval for the project, Myanmar’s government has promised USD 500,000 for Chin State’s development. However, there is no clarity on how or when the funds will be provided, raising concerns about transparency.

Nickel Deposits Distribution as Reported by the Myanmar Government.

According to Myanmar’s Ministry of Mines, six ore deposits have been found within a 10 km area of Mwetaung. The most significant ones, Ore Body No. 4 and No. 6, contain an estimated 30 million and 80 million tons of nickel ore, respectively, with nickel content ranging from 1% to 1.19%.

The Chinese company Zijin Mining Group states on its website that the Mwetaung Nickel Project is a joint venture between Jinshan (Hong Kong) International Mining Company (a subsidiary of Zijin Mining Group) and Wanbao Mining Ltd (a subsidiary of China North Industries Corporation). Zijin owns 90% of the venture, and Wanbao holds the remaining 10%. The joint venture holds 80% of the project’s interest, while the Myanmar government holds 20%.

Gullu Mual is a major lateritic nickel deposit with 36.14 million tons of ore containing more than 1% nickel, with an average grade of 1.483%. The project’s feasibility study was conducted by China ENFI Engineering Co., Ltd.

In a statement, ZID referred to the 1947 Panglong Agreement, which states that Zogam (Chin State) should be under the governance of the Zomi people rather than Myanmar’s Parliament. However, their indigenous rights have been repeatedly violated. The agreement grants Zomis the right to self-governance and control over their own affairs, but these rights have never been fully implemented.

The UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (Articles 25-27) affirms the rights of indigenous people over their land and resources. ZID stated that until Zomis can exercise their democratic rights and have a say in the management of their land and resources, Myanmar, China, or any private company should not be allowed to explore Gullu Mual.

Myanmar’s government has tried to gain support for the mining project by offering development incentives, such as roads, hospitals, schools, and drinking water facilities. It has also promised millions in funding and job opportunities through NMI Ltd. However, many Zomis believe these promises are meant to mislead them.

NMI Presentation on Flora in Gullu Mual.

On 28th April 2013, the World Zomi Congress condemned China and Myanmar for exploiting Chin State’s resources. In May, a Zomi anti-mining group in Tedim met with Myanmar government officials and NMI Ltd representatives, urging them to stop the project. On 29th June 2013, Zomis protested at the Myanmar Embassy in Washington, DC, and on 30th June, about 800 members of the Zomi Association Australia staged a demonstration at the Myanmar Embassy in Canberra.

Groups such as the Chinland Natural Resources Watch Group, Chin Mothers, and Tedim Youth Fellowship have also joined the campaign against the mining project. However, similar problems persist. The Myanmar government has set up hydroelectric power projects on the Laiva River near Falam and the Ngachip River, both of which were implemented against the wishes of the local people.

~ Bruce K. Thangkhal
Special Correspondent
The Mizoram Post, Manipur Chronicle, Zogam Today

 


Friday, July 5, 2013

Northeast girls harassed by CISF at IGI airport in New Delhi

While women continue to demand for safety in Delhi, yet three Northeast girls were harassed by a CISF man at the IGI airport. On 29 June 2013 between 1pm to 2pm three girls from Northeast India were allegedly harassed by a CISF Constable, Ram Chander Chaudhury at IGI domestic airport. The three girls were harrassed by the constable while they were waiting for their siblings coming from Imphal to Delhi by Indigo flight which was to arrive at 1:30pm at the airport.

The girls told the North East Helpline that Mr. Ram Chander Chaudhury, a CISF constable came and asked us 'Why are you sitting here for so long' and when we replied we are waiting for a flight then he continued on asking unnecessary things 'Which flight, show me your Identity card'.

"There were many people sitting near us, some have been sitting longer than us but Mr. Ram Chander Chaudhury didn't ask anything from them. We were too shocked that he was targeting only us since we look different. He took advantage of our young age and different looks from the rest of other Indians sitting nearby us. His intention was to stalk us as he was roving his eyes all over our bodies while abusively demanding to show him our identity cards," the three girls said in tearful eyes.   

Dr. Alana Golmei, General Secretary of NE Helpline said, "They are my nieces and I was also standing few metres away from them along with my cousin sister when the incident happened. One of my nieces called me on my phone and told me to rush to where they were being harassed by one CISF man, who was in civilian cloth. Then I rushed to the place where they were sitting. I immediately intervened and asked politely to Mr. Ram Chander Chaudhury what was it all about and he angrily replied he was doing his duty according to the order of CISF Vigilance. When I requested for the standing order he tried to persuade me to go with him and see from his office. I insisted him to bring the standing order of CISF (any order that says one should not sit in IGI domestic airport for more than one hour). Meanwhile I also spoke to another personnel from Ram Chander's phone and the man on phone said the same thing that they were vigilance personnel of CISF and that he saw nothing wrong on the behaviour of Ram Chander.  Later, another CISF official whose name was R.S. Sharma appeared along with Ram Chander. He was trying to justify on behalf of Ram Chander saying that there was no harm in asking for their Identity cards and added that the girls could have just showed it which further appalled me".

Inspite of repeated calls to the concerned authorities and central government regarding the discrimination and harassment of Northeast community residing in Delhi and NCR region no visible action has been taken up so far.

The North East Helpline strongly urged the Ministry of Home Affairs (Govt of India) and any concerned authorities dealing with CISF Vigilance at IGI airport to take strong action against Mr. Ram Chander Chaudhury for harassing and stalking the three NE young girls on June 29 2013. This is not the first time, there were many unreported incidents in the past where NE community were harassed by the security personnel and airline officials as well in IGI airport, New Delhi.

The North East Helpline also sought clarification from the concerned authorities whether there is such rules imposed to people who look different especially the Northeast community to be harassed in this way. And this incident happened while Mr. Ram Chander Chaudhury was carrying out his official duty, therefore, we appeal to the concerned authorities to be answerable for the said matter at the earliest. 

Assam Rifles raided ZRA president’s residence in Manipur

Churachandpur, July 5, 2013 --- The 30th Assam Rifle raided the residence of the president of the Zomi Re-Unification Organisation (ZRO), Thanglianpau Guite on the early morning of July 3 here in Dorcas Veng, New Lamka, about 60 kms away Imphal

The Assam Rifles which were posted in Koirengei, Imphal came into Lamka town and ransacked the chief's house damaging a computer and some furniture at around 3 am on July 3. When the incident occurred the ZRO supremo was not present but 11 of his family members including children were present. 

Protesting against the alleged brutal acts of the Assam Rifles and the pending political talks between the Central Government with the two groups -- Kuki National Organisation (KNO) and United Peoples Front (UPF), a public rally has been carried out today in Lamka town by the Zomi Students Federation (ZSF), Hmar Students' Association (HSA) and Kuki Students' Organisation (KSO).

ZRO is the political wing of Zomi Revolutionary Army (ZRA) which is one of the signatories of Suspension of Operation (SoO) with the Government.

The ZRO clarified that ZRO is strictly abided to SoO ground rules and believes that SoO will usher a lasting solution to the age-old political problems. The ZRO is strongly committed to the hard-won peace arrived at between the Government and ZRO. 

"Raiding the residential complex of ZRO president by the 30th Assam Rifles is a sinister deploys to derail the peace process by some disgruntled security personnel. The ZRO demands that the 30th AR should clarify and make necessary apology to the ZRO for their act of misadventure.  If the security forces are not interested in peace and tranquility let their stand be loud and clear," ZRO said.

Zomi Youth Association (ZYA) also condemned the Assam Rifles and asked for clarification of the motive behind raiding the residential complex of the president of ZRO.

Meanwhile condemning the indisplined and ungentle men act of the so-called 'Friends of the Hill People' in the strongest term, Churachandpur District Students' Union (CDSU) urge to all responsible citizens of India to avoid such act as violating the laid down rules which perturbs the peaceful settlement of the people.

It is unfortunate, inspite of the ongoing Suspension of Operation between the United People Front (UPF) and the Govt. of India, that the 30th Assam Rifles ransacked the residence and threatened the family of the General Secretary of UPF is a staunch violation of the ground rule of the So0 between the two parties, CDSU stated.

The act of 30th AR reflects the lack of commitment and sincerity on the part of the government towards SoO agreement and also to their political aspiration of the tribal within the state, ZSF said.

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